Israel's Palestinians Speak Out

The Annapolis peace talks regard me as an interloper in my own land.
Israel's deputy prime minister, Avigdor Lieberman, argues that I should
"take [my] bundles and get lost." Henry Kissinger thinks I ought to be
summarily swapped from inside Israel to the would-be Palestinian state.

I am a Palestinian with Israeli citizen****p--one of 1.4 million. I am
also a social psychologist trained and working in the United States. In
late November, on behalf of Mada al-Carmel, the Arab Center for Applied
Social Research, I polled Palestinian citizens of Israel regarding
their reactions to the Annapolis conference and their views about our
future, and how they would be affected by Middle East peace
negotiations.

During Israel's establishment, three-quarters of a million Palestinians
were driven from their homes or fled in fear. They remain refugees to
this day, scattered throughout the West Bank and Gaza, the Arab world
and beyond. We Palestinian citizens of Israel are among the minority
who managed to remain on our land. Like many Mexican-Americans, we
didn't cross the border, the border crossed us. We have been struggling
ever since against a system that subjects us to separate and unequal
treatment because we are Palestinian Arabs--Christian, Muslim and
Druze--not Jewish. More than twenty Israeli laws explicitly privilege
Jews over non-Jews.

The Palestinian Authority is under intense pressure to recognize Israel
as a Jewish state. This is not a matter of semantics. If Israel's
demand is granted, the inequality that we face as Palestinians--roughly
20 percent of Israel's population--will become permanent.

The United States, despite being settled by Christian Europeans fleeing
religious persecution, has struggled for decades to make clear that it
is not a "Christian nation." It is in a similar vein that Israel's
indigenous Palestinian population rejects the efforts of Israel and the
United States to seal our fate as a permanent underclass in our own
homeland.

We are referred to by leading Israeli politicians as a "demographic
problem." In response, many in Israel, including the deputy prime
minister, are proposing land swaps: Palestinian land in the occupied
territories with Israeli settlers on it would fall under Israel's
sovereignty, while land in Israel with Palestinian citizens would fall
under Palestinian authority.

This may seem like an even trade. But there is one problem: no one
asked us what we think of this solution. Imagine the hue and cry were a
prominent American politician to propose redrawing the map of the
United States so as to exclude as many Mexican-Americans as possible,
for the explicit purpose of preserving white political power. Such a
demagogue would rightly be denounced as a bigot. Yet this sort of
hyper-segregation and ethnic supremacy is precisely what Israeli and
American officials are considering for many Palestinian citizens of
Israel -- and hoping to coerce Palestinan leaders into accepting.

Looking across the Green Line, we realize that Palestinian Authority
President Mahmoud Abbas has no mandate to negotiate a deal that will
affect our future. We did not elect him. Why would we give up the
rights we have battled to secure in our homeland to live inside an
embryonic Palestine that we fear will be more like a bantustan than a
sovereign state? Even if we put aside our attachment to our homeland,
Israel has crushed the West Bank economy--to say nothing of Gaza's--and
imprisoned its people behind a barrier. There is little allure to life
in such grim cir***stances, especially since there is the real prospect
of further Israeli sanctions, which could make a bad situation worse.

In the poll I just conducted, nearly three-quarters of Israel's
Palestinian citizens rejected the idea of the Palestinian Authority
making territorial concessions that involve them, and 65.6 percent
maintained that the PA also lacked the mandate to recognize Israel as a
Jewish state. Nearly 80 percent declared that it lacks the mandate to
relinquish the right of Palestinian refugees--affirmed in UN General
Assembly Resolution 194 of 1948 and reaffirmed many times--to return to
their homes and properties inside Israel.

Palestinians inside Israel have developed a history and identity after
nearly sixty years of hard work and struggle. We are not simply pawns
to be shuffled to the other side of the board. We expect no more and no
less than the right to equality in the land of our ancestors. Israeli
Jews have now built a nation, and have the right to live here in peace.
But Israel cannot be both Jewish and democratic, nor can it find the
security it seeks by continuing to deny our rights, nor those of
Palestinians under occupation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, nor
those of Palestinian refugees. It is time for us to share this land in
a true democracy, one that honors and respects the rights of both
peoples as equals.

[Nadim Rouhana is Henry Hart Rice Professor of Conflict Analysis at
George Mason University and heads the Haifa-based Mada al-Carmel, the
Arab Center for Applied Social Research.]
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