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Cor****ate Media Bias & The Case of the Cuban 5
Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit
Converted to Text by NY Transfer News from .pdf file - Jan 7, 2007
Project Censored - Undated, but posted in Jan, 2008
http://www.projectcensored.org/Chapter6_CubanFive.pdf
Cor****ate Media Bias and the Case of the Cuban Five
By Jeffrey Huling
"The case of the Cuban Five is a shameful example of injustice in our
country" -Howard Zinn
Introduction
In 1998, the FBI arrested five Cubans in Miami for engaging in
"espionage activity." Oddly, the US government did not use the arrests
to publicly demonize Castro, instead they stifled the potential
political firestorm by placing the Five in solitary confinement for 17
months, -- a violation of penitentiary regulations stipulating that
isolation can be applied for a maximum of 60 days. Despite the
prosecution's lack of evidence, the Five were convicted in 2001 and
placed in five different prisons deliberately spread across the US
(California, Colorado, Wisconsin, Texas, and Florida). These tactics --
the pre-trial use of solitary confinement and the dispersion of the
Five after the trial -- are such that anticipate and actively seek to
stifle real or potential opposition. The fact that the Five are hailed
in Cuba as heroes and freedom fighters intimates the US Government's
interest in quieting the case.
Although ostensibly arrested for engaging in espionage activity, the
evidence presented at the trial clearly showed that the Five had no
intention to gather US "intelligence." Rather, they had attempted to
infiltrate Miami-based terrorist organizations, gathering intelligence
to prevent further attacks, both covert and overt, on Cuba. Since
Castro overthrew Batista in 1959, Cuban exile communities have
terrorized Cuba with assassination attempts, propaganda, and economic
subversion -- crop burnings, sugar mill bombings, and violent campaigns
to disrupt Cuba's tourist industry. More than 4,000 violent incidents
have occurred against Cuba since the 1959 revolution. Many of the
terrorist organizations responsible operated with the sanction of the
US government, as they still do today. Yet, not many people are paying
attention or have the ability to pay attention -- blame this on the
media.
In general, the cor****ate media (as well as some independents) has
failed to adequately cover the case of the Cuban Five. When the case is
"covered," the re****ts are jaundiced and uninformed. To adequately
cover the case would be to implicate the Bush dynasty in the sanction
and production of known terrorists, and to expose the hypocrisy of the
Bush administration's "War on Terrorism." To properly understand the
plight of the Cuban Five and why the US government continues to harbor
terrorists, a brief history of US-Cuba relations is necessary.
Brief History of US Sponsored Terrorism on Cuba
US obsession with Cuba dates back to the American Revolution. It was
John Quincy Adams, while Secretary of State, who said that taking Cuba
is "of transcendent im****tance" to the political and commercial future
of the United States.1
By the turn of the 20th century, Cuba was economically dependent on the
US. During the 1950s, this dependence aggrandized when Cuban sugar,
through a quota system, was guaranteed a market in the US above world
market price. The US purchased more than half of the sugar produced in
Cuba while controlling 40 percent of its production, owned half of the
arable land, and controlled 90 percent of Cuba's utilities. The US also
had investments in mining, oil refineries, rubber by-products,
livestock, cement, tourism, and 1/4 of all bank deposits. 80 percent of
Cuba's im****ts were procured from the US. Most Cubans identified
themselves with the American way of life and their sense of progress
was measured by their ability to purchase American goods. Despite an
Americanized economy, 1/3 of Cuba's population remained impoverished.
Economic stagnation coupled with American discrimination and racism
towards Cubans led to a growing disenchantment with, and resentment of
the US. 2
With the revolution of 1959, Castro sought to weaken Cuba's economic
dependence on the US while promoting a Cuban identity removed from
American influence. Tax policies and agrarian reforms were passed
intended to reduce economic inequality, and to favor Cuban over foreign
investments. US businesses opposed the wage increases, labor, and land
reforms. Relations quickly deteriorated as many powerful US interests
lost land to the Cuban government. For example, US sugar companies were
threatened with the loss of over a million and a half acres of land.3
After Castro visited the US in April 1959, Vice President Richard Nixon
suggested to his colleagues that a force of Cuban exiles be armed
immediately to overthrow Castro.4 By May, the CIA began arming
guerillas inside of Cuba while supervising bombing and incendiary raids
piloted by exiled Cubans based in Miami.5 The next year "Castro and his
rebel army fought counterrevolutionary groups ... who used air bases in
southern Florida to engage in assassination attempts ... [to] burn
crops, bomb sugar mills and attack ****ps bound for Cuba. The US failure
to disavow these groups and prevent their activities was enough
evidence for Castro to assert US complicity in these actions."6
The Eisenhower administration secretly made a formal decision to
conquer Cuba, but in such a way that the US hand would not be evident.7
With Cuba's nationalization of all US businesses by August 1959,
Eisenhower allotted $13 million for guerilla warfare training to
400-500 Cuban exiles in Guatemala.8 Indirect terrorism would suffice
for Eisenhower's unseen hand, and these same US-trained Cuban exiles
would be employed in April 1961 for the failed Bay of Pigs invasion
under the Kennedy administration. Following the invasion, Kennedy
continued his program of international terrorism, most notably,
Operation Mongoose, which, according to Ray Garthoff, a former State
Department specialist on the Soviet Union, included sending sabotage
units into the country.9 During the height of the Cold War, the CIA's
Operation Mongoose team blew up a Cuban factory, killing 400 people,
according to Castro.
During the 1970s, the CIA continued to fund the exile community. On 6
October 1976, exiles blew up a Cubana Airlines plane after it departed
from Barbados, killing 73 people, among them, the entire Cuban
champion****p fencing team. The CIA, headed by George Bush, Sr., knew of
the bombing in advance, but failed to warn Havana. 10 Orlando Bosch,
imprisoned with Luis Posada Carriles for the bombing, was released from
a Venezuela prison in 1987 under pressure from US ambassador Otto
Reich. Bosch then traveled to Miami where he was detained for a 1974
parole violation (Bosch was convicted in 1968 for firing a bazooka at a
Cuban-bound freighter in Miami). Citing FBI and CIA re****ts that Bosch
has caused "indiscriminate injury and death," including 30 acts of
terrorism, the US Justice Department ruled that Bosch should be
de****ted because of his terrorist activities. In spite of this, Bosch
was pardoned by President Bush in 1989, after a campaign was launched
to reverse the Justice Department's decision. Leading the effort was
now current House Representative for Florida's 18th Congressional
district, Republican Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, who at the time was running
for Congress (her campaign manager was Jeb Bush, son of the
president).11 Raoul Cantero, grandson of former dictator Fulgencio
Batista, was Bosch's lawyer and primary spokesman -- he now resides as
a Florida Supreme Court Justice. Although widely regarded as one of the
most dangerous terrorists in the western hemisphere,12 Bosch walks
freely in Miami and even appears in television and radio programs
bragging that he is still preparing attacks against Cuba.
Throughout the 1990s, the tourist industry became the main target for
Miamibased terrorist organizations, with the bombing of tourist buses
and hotels. The 1997 bombing that killed an Italian tourist was
committed by Salvadoran terrorists financed in Miami, under the command
of Luis Posada Carriles. Posada had escaped from a Venezuelan prison in
1985 (prison authorities were bribed), where he was charged along with
Bosch for the Cubana airliner bombing of 1976.13 He was then secretly
flown to El Salvador where he worked to ferry weapons to the Contras,
an operation run by White House aide Oliver North.14
In 2000, Posada was imprisoned in Panama for plotting with three Cuban
exiles to assassinate Fidel Castro while the leader was visiting Panama
City during the IberoAmerican Summit. After serving half of an
eight-year sentence, Posada was pardoned by outgoing Panamanian
President Mireya Moscoso "as a favor to Bush, whose reelection in
November 2004 was riding on the continued backing of Miami Cubans."15
In May 2005, Posada was detained in El Paso, Texas, for attempting to
enter the US illegally. Despite declassified CIA do***ents detailing
Posada's connection to the 1976 bombing, the US refused to prosecute or
extradite Posada to Venezuela, violating three international treaties
signed with this country. Instead, a US federal grand jury indicted
Posada in January 2007 on immigration violations and transferred him to
a New Mexico prison. But in April he was released by US District Judge
Kathleen Cardone, despite a government request to keep him jailed
pending an appeal.16 On May 8, all charges were dropped against Posada,
inciting a public uproar in Cuba. Dagoberto Rodriduez Barrera, chief of
the Cuban Interest Section in Wa****ngton, blamed the White House for
having "made all the efforts necessary to protect the bin Laden of the
hemisphere, [out of] fear that he could have talked and recount the
whole history about the US government links with his terrorists'
activities."17 President Hugo Ch!vez of Venezuela demanded "that they
extradite that terrorist and murderer to Venezuela, instead of
protecting him."
The Trial of the Cuban Five
Because of the constant threat of terrorism, the Cuban Five monitored
the terrorist activities of exile groups and re****ted back to Cuba.
They were arrested in Miami, Florida in September 1998, and charged
with 26 counts of violating US Federal Law. The two main charges were
conspiracy to commit espionage and conspiracy to commit murder, while
the other 24 were minor and technical offenses, alleging the use of
false names and the failure to register as foreign agents.
The first conspiracy charge alleged that three of the Five had agreed
to commit espionage. A conspiracy is an illegal agreement between two
or more persons to commit a crime -- it need not occur. Cir***stantial
evidence is enough to demonstrate that there must have been an
agreement to commit a crime, actual and direct proof is not necessary.
The prosecution admitted that the Five lacked possession of a single
page of classified government information, although the law requires
the presence of national defense information in order to prove the
crime of espionage.
The prosecution relied on the fact that Antonio Guerrero worked in a
metal shop of a Navy training base in Southern Florida, implying that
he was attempting to access national defense information. But the Navy
base was completely open to the public, and Guerrero had never applied
for a security clearance, had no access to restricted areas, and had
never tried to enter any. The FBI had Guerrero under surveillance for
two years before the arrests, but there was no testimony from the
agents about any wrongdoing.
Antonio Guerrero's mission was to "discover and re****t in a timely
manner the information or indications that denote the preparation of a
military aggression against Cuba on the basis of what he could see by
observing open public activities."18 This information was available to
any member of the public, which cannot form the basis of an espionage
persecution. However, the jury still made the conviction.
The conspiracy to commit murder charge alleged that Gerardo Hernandez
conspired with other non-indicted Cuban officials to shoot down two
planes flown by the exile group Brothers to the Rescue (BTTR). BTTR had
repeatedly crossed Cuban airspace during the `90s dropping propaganda
pamphlets. Despite warnings from Cuba, that had subsequently informed
the US of the airspace infractions, BTTR continued to fly with the
indifference of US officials. In 1996, two BTTR planes were shot down
by the Cuban Air Force killing four men. Cuba alleges the planes
crossed into Cuban airspace, ignoring verbal warnings. The US maintains
they were shot down over international waters. In a recording played at
the trial of the Five, "the pilot of one of the planes could be heard
laughing as the planes deliberately violated the order to turn back
[from the Cuban Air Force]." 19
Gerardo Hernandez and his colleagues were advised by Cuba to stay off
BTTR planes for a few days, during which the planes were shot down.
This coincidence was enough for the prosecution to argue that Hernandez
was involved in a conspiracy to kill the men in the planes, although no
evidence of this was presented. The trial judge ruled that in order to
convict Hernandez, the prosecution had to prove that before the planes
took off, Hernandez was involved in a plot to down the planes before
they reached Cuban waters. In response, the prosecution conceded it had
no evidence and that the ruling "created an insurmountable obstacle for
conviction."20 The jury still convicted Hernandez.
In June 2001, after only five days of deliberation, 12 jurors in a
Miami Court returned guilty verdicts on all 26 counts. The defense's
request for leniency was ignored, and all were given the maximum
sentences. Gerardo Hernandez received two life sentences plus 15 years,
Antonio Guerrero and Ramon Labanino received life in prison plus 10
years and 18 years respectively, Fernando Gonzalez 19 years, and Rene
Gonzalez 15 years.
After the convictions, all five immediately appealed. In March 2004,
they met with three judges from the US District 11th Court Circuit,
who, after considering the bias in Miami towards Cuban nationals,
granted the defense a change of venue and a new trial on August 9,
2005. But the court decision was quickly stifled when the US government
- -- in a very rare review process -- had the appellate case re-heard by
all members of the 11th Circuit, who subsequently overturned the three
judges' original ruling for appeal, thus ignoring the bias which
undermined the legitimacy of the original court decision.
Florida International University professor Dr. Lisandro Perez comments
that "the possibility of selecting twelve citizens of Miami-Dade County
who can be impartial in a case involving acknowledged agents of the
Cuban government is virtually zero."21 A poll taken in 2000 shows that
49.7 percent of Cuban-Americans in Miami-Dade wanted direct US military
action against Cuba, as opposed to only 8.1 percent of Americans
nationwide.22 Law dictates that if a fair trial is impossible in the
location given, the venue must be changed.23
In May 2005, the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention of the United
Nations Human Rights Commission declared the Five's imprisonment as
arbitrary, urging the US government to resolve the situation. Pleas
from other international human rights organizations such as Amnesty
International, and sup****t committees in 97 countries have also sought
the release of the Five. Many consider them political prisoners, who
had only attempted to defend their country from terrorism.
Organizations have also condemned the US's refusal to grant visas to
Olga Salanueva and Adriana P(c)rez, wives of Ren(c) Gonz!lez and Gerardo
Hern!ndez. In June 25, 2002, after waiting five years to visit her
husband, Adriana was finally granted a visa. However, upon her arrival
in the US, Adriana was arrested by the FBI, interrogated for 11 hours
and expelled to Cuba.
In 2006, Amnesty International sent an open letter to the government of
the United States, disapproving of their refusal to grant visas to Olga
Salanueva and Adriana P(c)rez, stating that "in the absence of a clear
and immediate threat posed by such visits, this measure is
unnecessarily punitive and contrary both to standards for the humane
treatment of prisoners and to states, obligation to protect family
life."24 The letter also raised questions about the guarantee of due
process in the Miami trial.
Despite worldwide sup****t for the Cuban Five, the US has maintained its
harsh position. Today, the Five remain incarcerated in five separate
prisons throughout the US, while ex-CIA mercenaries Orlando Bosch and
Luis Posada Carriles -- widely considered the two most dangerous
terrorists in the Western Hemisphere -- are provided sanctuary by the
US government.
Content Analysis: Cor****ate News Coverage of the Cuban Five
The fact that hardly anyone in the US knows about the case of the Cuban
Five is telling enough of its coverage. Not only are the cor****ate
media outlets to blame, but some of the independents are as well, like
In These Times, The Progressive, and Mother Jones. In the cor****ate
news coverage -- rare as it is -- there are observable tendencies of
bias against Cuba. The tone of the articles tend to demonize the Five,
while the information presented often neglects Cuba's opposing
viewpoint and defense of their actions.
The New York Times' (NYT) re****ting is bereft of context and glaringly
onesided -- Cuba's perspective is apparently unworthy of consideration.
Since the 1996 incident, Cuba has maintained that the downing of the
two BTTR planes occurred over Cuban airspace, 25 not over international
waters as the US asserts. NYT obsequiously assumes the planes were shot
down over international waters.26 An excerpt from one article reads:
"F.B.I. officials said their investigation of Cuban intelligence
gathering in South Florida began after Brothers to the Rescue, known
for making mercy flights between Florida and Cuba searching for people
in boats fleeing Cuba, lost two planes in an attack by Cuban fighter
jets in 1996."27 There is vital information missing from the article,
thus misleading readers. Brothers to the Rescue (BTTR) were not shot
down while rescuing refugees,28 as readers might assume, they were
seeking to penetrate Cuban airspace for political motives. To their
credit, one NYT article mentions that "Cuba has vigorously defended
five of the spies who fought and lost their cases in federal court ...
insisting that the men sought only to thwart terrorism by radical
exiles, like a spate of Havana bombings in 1997 that killed an Italian
tourist."29 But NYT takes the issue no further.
The Associated Press (AP), a wire service providing articles for many
newspapers, covered the case of the Cuban Five relatively well.
Profiles of the Five are provided along with most of the developments
in the court case. Context is there, as well as the Cuban perspective.
For instance, AP includes various arguments from the Five's defense
team, who contend that Cuban-American relations are in such a state
that this alone would affect the outcome of the trial. The Five were
necessary to Cuba as the "United States was either unwilling or unable
to prevent them from sup****ting terrorist attacks in Cuba." Attorney
Mendez cited a "string of eight bombings in Cuba over a fourmonth
period in 1997" as "only part of a 40-year history of raids, bombings
and arms smuggling missions that justified the agents' undercover work
in South Florida."30
AP also re****ts that jurors heard evidence of Miami-based terrorist
organizations that "bomb Cuban hotels and smuggle weapons into Cuba,"
while the warnings of those attacks were "forwarded to the FBI about
Miami-based sup****t and financing for terrorism in Cuba."31 AP also
describes the charges against Hernandez and the proper context
surrounding the 1996 incident, making it explicit that BTTR were flying
into Cuban territory on "a mission to drop 500,000 political
leaflets."32 Defense attorney Paul McKenna "offered evidence the attack
was in Cuban airspace and insisted Cuba was concerned only with its own
territory after repeated incursions by the Miami group for nearly two
years."33
Since the arrest of the Cuban 5, The Wa****ngton Post has mentioned them
in nine articles. Only two of the articles made the front page, while
the rest were buried deep within section A, the exceptions being one
article on the front of the Style section and one on the front of the
Metro section. Most of WP articles lack in context and balance,
implicating the Five as gang of spies, while others make efforts to
provide Cuba's viewpoint.
The article published September 15 1998 quotes US attorney Thomas E.
Scott twice, who says the Five were determined "to strike at the very
heart of our national security system." Unfortunately, Cuba's viewpoint
is not presented. It is not until the convictions in June of 2001 that
another major article appears. This one appears on page 12 of section
A, which re****ts the guilty convictions of the Five as "a committed
band of spies working to infiltrate South Florida's military
installations and Cuban exile community." Post re****ts that "There were
no Cuban Americans or anyone with close ties to the large Cuban
American community here on the 12-member jury, which deliberated for
five days," but the article does not mention the anti-Castro bias
prevalent in Miami-Dade County. WP does include that the defendants
considered themselves "Cuban patriots, trying to protect their country
from Cuban American extremists in South Florida". It is also re****ted
that their "spying" on military installations did not actually threaten
any national security.
One article to make the front page in 2006 headlined "Cubans jailed in
U.S. as spies are hailed at home as heroes". The article re****ts that
"American officials tend to paint Cuban agents as infiltrators bent on
undermining U.S. national security. But the Cuban government asserts
they are men of courage, sent to the U.S. to ferret out terrorism plots
by Cuban exile groups waging war against President Fidel Castro." This
is the kind of balanced re****ting that should encompass every article.
There are other quotes from Cuba, expressing anger at the continued
incarceration, as Antonio Lage was quoted: "`Hypocrites, that's what
Bush and the Americans are -- hypocrites,' he said. `They talk about
fighting terrorism, but they keep these heroes in prison for trying to
stop the terrorists in Miami.'"
Throughout the nine articles in the Post, there is a general demonizing
of the Cuban Five as terrorists, clandestine agents, and enemies of the
State. There are redeeming points like the June 2006 article, which
shows both opposing viewpoints of the case. But much is being left out
of the story, such as the context surrounding the 1996 incident, which
implicated Gerardo Hernandez in the conspiracy to commit murder charge.
The television coverage of the case is virtually non-existent. CBS and
CNN aired brief re****ts, but nothing comprehensive. CNN featured US
attorney Tom Scott (quoted by the Wa****ngton Post) who said, "the spy
ring was tasked by the Cuban government to strike at the very heart of
our national security system." But no defense lawyer was included on
behalf of the Cuban Five, no opposing viewpoints presented.
Conclusion
The Case of the Cuban Five should be known to every American concerned
with injustice or the actions of their government. But that information
must be available for the public to obtain. If it is not, then freedom
of thought is undermined -- it narrows with the closing limits of
obtainable knowledge. When the mainstream media is influenced by
cor****ate interests and entertainment, and the independent media is too
timid to confront controversial issues, the outcome is an uninformed
public with a distorted perspective.
Media coverage in general and its priorities are reflected in the lack
of both quantity and quality of coverage of the Cuban Five. To provide
the proper context of the case would be to implicate the US government
in the sanction of known terrorists like Bosch and Posada, and to
expose their connections to the Bush administration. This should call
into question the legitimacy of Bush's "War on Terrorism." Not to
mention the legitimacy of the US judicial system in general, that
exonerates terrorists like Posada and Bosch while condemning the Cuban
Five who fight against terrorism.
For almost 9 years, the Cuban Five have waited in prison for a fair
trial. Adriana Perez, the wife of Gerardo Hern!ndez, is still prevented
by the US government from seeing her husband. The media are
responsible, not only to the Cuban Five and their families, but to the
American public, who depend on and put faith in their news outlets for
fair, objective, and comprehensive re****ting. The failure of the media
deserves the harshest censure, while the Cuban Five deserve nothing
less than the loudest cries of social protest.
End Notes
1 Chomsky, Noam. "Cuba and the United States: A Near-Half Century of
Terror." Superpower Principles. Ed. Salim Lamrani. New York: Common
Courage Press, 2005. 28.
2 Staten, Clifford L. The History of Cuba. New York: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2005. 84.
3 Roberts, J M. Twentieth Century. New York: Penguin, 1999. 657.
4 Thomas, Hugh. Cuba: The Pursuit of Freedom. New York: Harper and Row,
1971. 1210.
5 Chomsky, Noam. "Cuba and the United States: A Near-Half Century of
Terror." Superpower Principles. Ed. Salim Lamrani. New York: Common
Courage Press, 2005. 29.
6 Staten, Clifford L. The History of Cuba. New York: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2005. 92.
7 Chomsky, Noam. "Cuba and the United States: A Near-Half Century of
Terror." Superpower Principles. Ed. Salim Lamrani. New York: Common
Courage Press, 2005. 29.
8 Staten, Clifford L. The History of Cuba. New York: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2005. 96.
9 Dobbs, Michael . "Do***ent Details '62 Plans on Cuba; U.S. Weighed
Military Move to Oust Castro." Wa****ngton Post 27 Jan. 1989: A14.
10 Blum, Willam. "The Unforgivable Revolution." Superpower Principles.
Ed. Salim Lamrani. New York: Common Courage Press, 2005. 52. William
Blum cites these sources: a) Wa****ngton Post, 1 November 1986, pp. A1,
A18. b) Jonathon Kwitny, The Crimes of Patriots (New York, 1987), p.
379. c) William Schaap, "New Spate of Terrorism: Key Leaders
Unleashed," Covert Action Bulletin (Wa****ngton), No. 11, December 1980,
pp. 4-8. d) Dinges and Landau, pp. 245-6. ? e) Speech by Fidel Castro,
15 October 1976, reprinted in Toward Improved US-Cuba Relations, House
Committee on International Relationsm Appendix A, 23 May 1977. f) The
CIA do***ents declassified by the Agency, sent to the National Archives
in 1993, and made available to the public. Re****ted in The Nation (New
York), 29 November 1993, p. 657.
11 Franklin, Jane . "Terrorist Connections Resurface In Florida." ZNet
29 June 2002. http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?ItemID=2049
12 Chomsky, Noam. "Cuba and the United States: A Near-Half Century of
Terror." Superpower Principles. Ed. Salim Lamrani. New York: Common
Courage Press, 2005. 42.
13 According to Noam Chomsky (Superpower Principles, 42), the airline
bombing was financed by Jorge Mas Canosa, head of the tax-exempt
Cuban-American National Foundation (CANF). CANF is a Miamibased
anti-Cuba lobby group, dedicated to overthrowing the Cuban Government
of Fidel Castro.
14 Barger, Brian. "Posada: accused airline bomber still at large."
United Press International 4 Sep. 1998.
15 Williams, Caroll J. "Cuban jet bombing suspect ordered free on bail
in U.S." LA Times 7 Apr. 2007.
16 Williams, Caroll J., ibid.
17 "Judge throws out charges against anti-Castro militant." CNN 8 May
2007. http://www.cnn.com/2007/LAW/05/08/posada.charges/index.html
18 Weinglass, Leonard. "The Trial of the Cuban Five." Superpower
Principles. Ed. Salim Lamrani. New York: Common Courage Press, 2005.
120.
19 Weinglass, Leonard. "The Trial of the Cuban Five." Superpower
Principles. Ed. Salim Lamrani. New York: Common Courage Press, 2005.
121.
20 Weinglass, Leonard. "The Trial of the Cuban Five." Superpower
Principles. Ed. Salim Lamrani. New York: Common Courage Press, 2005.
122.
21 Superpower Principles: The Trial of the Cuban Five, Leonard
Weinglass.
22 Smith, Wayne S. "A Sad Day in the History of American Justice: The
Trial of the Cuban Five." Superpower Principles. Ed. Salim Lamrani. New
York: Common Courage Press, 2005.
23 Superpower Principles: The Trial of the Cuban Five, Leonard
Weinglass.
24 Lee, Susan . Published in "An open letter to the State Department:
The US is Violating the Rights of the Cuban Five." Counterpunch 26 Jan.
2006.
25 Rohter, Larry. "Cuba Blames U.S. in Downing of Planes." The New York
Times 27 Feb. 1996: 14.
26 See June 9, 2001 article "5 Cubans Convicted in Plot to Spy on U.S,"
December 13, 2001 "Leader of Cuban Spy Ring Given Life in Prison," and
August 10, 2005 "New Trial Ordered For 5 Accused Spies."
27 Navarro, Mireya. "10 People Are Charged With Spying for Cuba." The
New York Times 15 Sep. 1998: 18.
28 Three other NYT' articles mislead readers in the same vein. See the
May 8, 1999 article "Cuban Spy Suspect Faces Murder Charges," November
27, 2000 "Spy Trial to Start for Five Accused of Aiding Cuba" and
December 13, 2001 "Leader of Cuban Spy Ring given Prison."
29 Golden, Tim. "White House Wary of Cuba's Little Spy Engine That
Could." The New York Times 5 Jan, 2003: 3.
30 Prosecutor: Spy ringleader helped Cuba attack Miami planes,
Associated Press, Catherine Wilson, May 30, 2001.
31 Defense: Agents never ordered to get US secrets and didn't,
Associated Press, Catherine Wilson, May 31, 2001.
32 Cuba: five convicted agents were heroes protecting their nation,
Associated Press State & Local Wire, Anita Snow, June 20, 2001.
33 Chance for conviction clouded in shadowy world of spies, Associated
Press, Catherine Wilson, June 6, 2001.
[Jeffrey Huling is a graduate student in English at Sonoma State
University
Project Censored Research Interns Assisting with this study include:
Zoe Huffman, Jenni Leys, Jocelyn Thomas, and Erica Haikara.]
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