that's because he has killfiled me just like the way he has killfled
you, bum boy! you are really not very intelligent, are you?
On May 3, 6:01=A0am, Raymond <ni...@[EMAIL PROTECTED]
> wrote:
> On Sat, 3 May 2008 02:33:39 -0700 (PDT), Ira IRa IRA Humperdink MD
>
> <markdeme...@[EMAIL PROTECTED]
> wrote:
> >hey, bum boy ! just because you are a homo doesn't make everyone else
> >in the world homos. homos are outcasts, and deep inside even you know
> >that.
>
> One thing that puzzles me is that you always stick your head out every
> time I expose these stupid Han traitors, yet J. venning never
> mentioned your name in his email. I wonder why.
>
>
>
>
>
> >On May 3, 11:02?am, Raymond <ni...@[EMAIL PROTECTED]
> wrote:
> >> On Fri, 2 May 2008 19:39:12 -0700 (PDT), pg <pen...@[EMAIL PROTECTED]
>
> >> wrote:
>
> >> >ooooooh, stupid **** spake again !! we all better listen carefully
> >> >now.
>
> >> For your information, rst0wxyz, J. venning, Papapeng, and Charlesliu
> >> belong to the same "close circle". The four of them always kissing
> >> each other's smelly butts and eating each other's ****. Just take a
> >> look at the way they post if you don't believe me.
>
> >> >On May 2, 1:14 pm, rst0wxyz <rst0w...@[EMAIL PROTECTED]
> wrote:
> >> >> I think Iranian President Mahmud Ahmadinejad will be a powerful
forc=
e
> >> >> in the Middle East for the next 10 - 20 years.
>
> >> >> On May 2, 1:07 pm, PaPaPeng <PaPaP...@[EMAIL PROTECTED]
> wrote:
>
> >> >> > Bush and Chenney, far from frightening Iran into submission, has
> >> >> > instead focussed Iran's attention to its place in the bigger
schem=
e of
> >> >> > things. ?The article below outlines compelling reasons for an
> >> >> > energized Iran ?as the linchpin for pan regional co-operation
and
> >> >> > therefore regional power and a major player in the global power
> >> >> > league. ?Such a development will of course greatly diminish US
Isr=
aeli
> >> >> > power in Arab affairs. ?It will certainly reduce China's clout
in
> >> >> > dealings with Arab countries (should they band together as
describ=
ed
> >> >> > below).
>
> >> >> > The empowerment of peoples who have little if any power now can
on=
ly
> >> >> > be good. ?It is not a development China fears for China has
always=
> >> >> > maintained correct diplomatic and economic realtions with every
> >> >> > country. ?China treats them all as independent countries and
respe=
cts
> >> >> > their sovereignity and independence by not interfering in their
> >> >> > internal affairs. ?China pays a fair price for everything she
buys=
> >> >> > from them. And China does not impose onerous and insulting
conditi=
ons
> >> >> > on the trade, the aid and the loans she provides. ?Its a very
simp=
le
> >> >> > policy rich countries should make an effort to emulate.
>
> >> >> > Iran moving into the big league
> >> >> > By Kaveh L Afrasiabi
> >> >> > May 3,
2007http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/JE03Ak03.html
>
> >> >> > Iranian President Mahmud Ahmadinejad's three-nation tour of
Pakist=
an,
> >> >> > Sri Lanka and India and the welter of agreements and
understanding=
s
> >> >> > reached between Tehran and these governments serve notice beyond
t=
he
> >> >> > mere issue of energy security and Iran's expanding role in the
> >> >> > sub-continent's energy market; rather, these developments
signify =
a
> >> >> > new stage in Iran's foreign policy that is best described as
> >> >> > "pan-regionalism".
>
> >> >> > From the Persian Gulf to the Caspian region, the Caucasus,
Central=
> >> >> > Asia, South Asia and beyond, thanks to its unique geographical
> >> >> > location, Iran is in many ways an ideal connecting bridge that
has=
not
> >> >> > until now fully exploited its advantageous "equidistance" from
Ind=
ia
> >> >> > and Europe.
>
> >> >> > Straddled between the two energy hubs of the Persian Gulf and
Casp=
ian
> >> >> > Sea, Iran is a suitable conduit for trade, energy and
non-energy,
> >> >> > between the Arab states of the Persian Gulf, which are members
of =
the
> >> >> > Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), and the landlocked Central Asian
> >> >> > states. The GCC comprises Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi
Arab=
ia
> >> >> > and the United Arab Emirates.
>
> >> >> > Also, with ambitious trans****tation links projected under the
vene=
er
> >> >> > of a "north-south corridor", Iran, Russia and India have
conceived=
new
> >> >> > areas of cooperation that connect northern Europe to the Indian
Oc=
ean
> >> >> > via Iran and the Russian Federation [1] . Already, Iran is an
ener=
gy
> >> >> > ex****ter to Europe through Turkey, funneling through
Turkmenistan'=
s
> >> >> > gas and swapping oil with Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan.
>
> >> >> > Also, Iran has plans not to lag behind the so-called new "Silk
Roa=
d"
> >> >> > project that involves China, India and the GCC states first and
> >> >> > foremost and yet for every conceivable reason must be considered
> >> >> > Iran-inclusive because of the country's proximity, its expanding
t=
rade
> >> >> > and economic cooperation with the GCC, and its own trade
> >> >> > liberalization policies, reflected in the expansion of
free-trade
> >> >> > zones.
>
> >> >> > This is one reason why Iran is modernizing its Persian Gulf
island=
s of
> >> >> > Kish and Qeshm, hoping to turn them into tourist hotspots as
well =
as
> >> >> > hubs for trade and even finance in the near future [2].
>
> >> >> > The $7.6 billion Iran-Pakistan-India pipeline (IPI), meanwhile,
ha=
s
> >> >> > the potential more than any other existing Iranian project to
exte=
nd
> >> >> > the purview of Iran's "pan-regional" approach, by organically
> >> >> > connecting Iran to the sub-continent on a long-term basis and by
> >> >> > providing a new Iran-Pakistan-India nexus that could in turn be
us=
ed
> >> >> > for addressing what is lacking so far, that is, more than paltry
> >> >> > inter-regional trade.
>
> >> >> > The 2,600-kilometer IPI pipeline, which was conceived in 1994,
> >> >> > envisages trans****ting Iranian gas to Pakistan and then on to
Indi=
a.
> >> >> > Following Ahmadinejad's visit to India this week, Iran re****ted
th=
e
> >> >> > three countries were close to signing a "final agreement".
>
> >> >> > The poor state of Iran's trade with South Asia is reflected in
the=
> >> >> > sub-optimal trade between Iran and Pakistan, as is the case
betwee=
n
> >> >> > Iran and other members of the region's 10-nation Economic
Cooperat=
ion
> >> >> > Organization (ECO) [3].
>
> >> >> > Attempts to make the ECO a fulcrum of regional cooperation have
by=
and
> >> >> > large failed and the ECO's struggle to achieve a major
breakthroug=
h in
> >> >> > terms of regional cooperation has not brought significant
tangible=
> >> >> > fruits.
>
> >> >> > Yet that may change, particularly if Iran (a) is inducted in the
> >> >> > Shanghai Cooperation Organization, at which it is presently an
> >> >> > observer [4], and (b) the IPI project finally gets underway, in
wh=
ich
> >> >> > case Iran's greater integration into larger entities will
bolster =
its
> >> >> > attempt within the ECO to make this regional organization, which
i=
s
> >> >> > headquartered in Tehran, more effective.
>
> >> >> > With respect to the Persian Gulf, the GCC, which continues to
shun=
> >> >> > Iran's olive branch of cooperation, is under new pressures to
reth=
ink
> >> >> > that attitude as a result of the ****'ite-led government in Iraq,
a=
> >> >> > potential Iran allay in the politics of the Persian Gulf. It is
no=
t
> >> >> > far-fetched to think that Iran and Iraq will one day join the
GCC
> >> >> > states in a new regional cooperative framework.
>
> >> >> > Certainly, that is how Iran wants it today, as seen in the
recent
> >> >> > unveiling of Iranian plans for cooperative security and the like
p=
ut
> >> >> > forward at their hitherto recalcitrant GCC neighbors [5],
perhaps
> >> >> > better pitched as part of an Islamic common market.
>
> >> >> > Certainly, significant hurdles confront Iran's "pan-regional"
appr=
oach
> >> >> > that seeks to make the country an integrative, nodal point of
> >> >> > cooperation between and among various regions, ranging from
United=
> >> >> > Nations and US sanctions out of fear of Iran and its pur****ted
> >> >> > "nuclear ambition", as well as a host of purely economic and
techn=
ical
> >> >> > difficulties, such as poor trans****tation links and ***bersome
cus=
tom
> >> >> > regulations.
>
> >> >> > Regarding the latter, one of the ECO's key contributions has
been =
in
> >> >> > the area of prioritizing a customs agreement, as well as tariff
> >> >> > reduction schemes, between the member states that would
facilitate=
> >> >> > trade in the ECO region. Still, the low level of trade between
the=
ECO
> >> >> > states is a harsh reminder of the long road ahead before Iran's
lo=
fty
> >> >> > objective of "pan-regionalism" can be fully realized.
>
> >> >> > Irrespective, the tangible gains mentioned above illustrate the
> >> >> > viability of Iran's "pan-regional" approach that could
conceivably=
> >> >> > elevate its status beyond a mere regional power and add to the
clu=
ster
> >> >> > of values in its arsenal as a global power.
>
> >> >> > In fact, as reflected in a recent statement by Iranian National
> >> >> > Security Advisor Saeed Jalili regarding Iran as a "global
power",
> >> >> > Iran's self-image and self-understanding is global-looking and
fue=
ls
> >> >> > an activist foreign policy that is fully within the camp of the
> >> >> > Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and which constantly prioritizes
"globa=
l
> >> >> > justice".
>
> >> >> > Economically, however, for Iran and other NAM states seeking a
> >> >> > redistribution of global wealth, concentrated in Western hands
tod=
ay,
> >> >> > there is no alternative but to push for greater cooperation
betwee=
n
> >> >> > themselves and achieve better coordination at international
> >> >> > institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), in
light =
of
> >> >> > the WTO's ongoing trade wranglings known as the Doha rounds.
>
> >> >> > Although Iran is not yet a WTO member, it will be directly
impacte=
d by
> >> >> > the final agreements of the Doha rounds, due later this year,
whic=
h is
> >> >> > why it is in***bent on Iranian policymakers to focus on the Doha
> >> >> > rounds and to scrutinize the agricultural and non-agricultural
new=
> >> >> > policies of the WTO that distinguish between developed and
develop=
ing
> >> >> > nations. Yet these fall short of addressing the adverse impacts
of=
> >> >> > globalization and WTO-induced trade liberalization for a whole
hos=
t
>
> ...
>
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