CSB's fame? Are you talking about his and his family's corruptions and
scandals, that's true! BTW, have you lost your job after 520 as a DPP
mouthpiece? Haha!
On May 22, 8:48=A0am, Jim Walsh <jimNOwalsSPA...@[EMAIL PROTECTED]
> wrote:
> On Thu, 22 May 2008 20:12:29 +0800, PaPaPeng wrote
> (in article <ohoa34tql053c1l1als83ck3lkadvlk...@[EMAIL PROTECTED]
>):
>
> > On Wed, 21 May 2008 08:22:03 -0700 (PDT), demoris...@[EMAIL PROTECTED]
wrote:
>
> >> Taiwan leader: China unification unlikely 'in our lifetimes'
>
> > Quite a different picgture is presengted by Asia Times Online. =A0
>
> Not a single word in Cossa's article suggests unification is coming any
ti=
me
> soon.
>
> > There is only one issue of im****tance for any leader of Taiwan.
=A0That
> > will be reunification with China. =A0Everything else is small stuff.
> > How this leader will manage the reunification will make his place in
> > history. =A0Lose that chance and he becomes a footnote. =A0Already who
> > remembers CSB now. =A0He achieved nothing.
>
> CSB's fame will outlive DXP's.
>
>
>
>
>
> > One hand across the strait
> > By Ralph A Cossa
> > March 23, 2008
> >http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/JE23Ad01.html
>
> > TAIPEI - "Be careful what you wish for." This Chinese proverb came
> > repeatedly to mind when listening this week to incoming Taiwan
> > President Ma Ying-jeou's forward-leaning inauguration address that
> > sent so many olive branches toward Beijing that even some of his
> > ardent sup****ters feared he had "gone too far" and protesters almost
> > immediately took to the street in Taipei warning against "selling out"
> > to China.
>
> > The big question now is can Beijing, after hearing "no" for the past
> > eight years, now take "yes" for an answer. Ma called on Beijing to
> > join him to "launch a new era of cross-strait relations", based on his
> > previously articulated "three no's" policy: no unification, no
> > independence and no use of force. He talked about "one China,
> > respective interpretations" and the "1992 consensus" (under which both
> > sides agreed to disagree over how to define "one China") and made
> > several references to "our mutual Chinese heritage".
>
> > He also committed to maintaining the status quo across the strait,
> > noting at one point that "in a young democracy, respecting the
> > constitution is more im****tant than amending it" - his predecessor's
> > attempts to amend the constitution was a main source of tension
> > between Taipei and Beijing.
>
> > In a truly unprecedented gesture, Ma also made specific positive
> > reference to Chinese President Hu Jintao's remarks on cross-strait
> > relations - "building mutual trust, shelving controversies, finding
> > commonalities despite differences and creating together a win-win
> > solution" - stating that "his views are very much in line with our
> > own".
>
> > Ma laid out the normalization of economic and cultural relations with
> > the mainland as immediate goals, but warned that "Taiwan doesn't just
> > want security and prosperity; it wants dignity". Herein lies the rub!
>
> > It should be relatively easy for Beijing to respond positively to Ma's
> > calls for direct weekend charter flights and visits to Taiwan by
> > mainland tourists and other economic and cultural exchanges. Some
> > security gestures, such as a visible drawback of missiles opposite
> > Taiwan, is also doable without dramatically changing the security
> > calculus. But, is Beijing prepared to make significant gestures aimed
> > at truly improving Taiwan's sense of security and relieving its
> > international isolation?
>
> > A failure by Beijing to respond positively to Ma's olive branches will
> > seriously undercut the new Taiwanese leader as he tries to build
> > consensus at home in sup****t of his forward-leaning cross-strait
> > policies. His address is already being labeled by the opposition as
> > "naive" and "wishful thinking". Will Beijing prove this to be the
> > case?
>
> > For its part, the Chinese leader****p is preoccupied with other things
> > right now - earthquake relief, Summer Olympic Games preparations,
> > unrest in Tibet and elsewhere - even while breathing a sigh of relief
> > that its main nemesis, now-departed president Chen Shui-bian, is
> > finally gone. Beijing appeared almost paranoid about Chen springing an
> > 11th-hour surprise; a fear exacerbated by its lack of understanding
> > about how democratic transitions work. This one worked flawlessly, as
> > Chen himself had promised.
>
> > Beijing immediately opted to pass on its first chance to make a
> > positive political gesture by once again blocking Taiwan's bid for
> > observer status in the World Health Organization (WHO). Chen's
> > decision to apply as "Taiwan" rather than "Chinese Taipei" regrettably
> > made it easier for Beijing to once again block this request, but it
> > could have asked the WHO to postpone consideration of Taiwan's bid for
> > a few days to allow for a reformulation of the application, rather
> > than quickly excluding it from the agenda. As a result, Beijing needs
> > to quickly find some other venues to provide the dignity that Ma seeks
> > and Taiwan richly deserves.
>
> > It appears that Beijing is still struggling to figure out how to deal
> > with a potentially friendly government in Taipei after years of just
> > saying no to everything and branding every positive gesture by the
> > Chen administration a "splittist trick".
>
> > The real concern, as some Chinese candidly expressed to me during a
> > recent visit to Beijing, is finding ways to improve Taiwan's
> > "international breathing space" without further enhancing its status
> > as a sovereign independent entity (or dare we say "country"). Fear
> > that gestures once made would be exploited were Chen's Democratic
> > Progressive Party (DPP) to return to power were also cited as a reason
> > for moving slowly, even though moving too slowly (or not at all) will
> > increase the prospects of a DPP return.
>
> > Other distractions notwithstanding, it is im****tant for Beijing not to
> > wait too long before making some significant gestures in response to
> > Ma's controversial overtures. For starters, it can observe Ma's call
> > for a "truce" in the international arena. In recent years, Beijing has
> > taken great delight in humiliating the Chen administration by
> > spiriting away Taiwan's few remaining allies, normally through a
> > shameless bidding war that has learned little dignity to either side.
> > This must stop. If no one recognizes the Republic of China (Taiwan's
> > official name), why shouldn't it just declare itself the Republic of
> > Taiwan now and end the "one China" charade?
>
> > A more dramatic military gesture is also needed. Merely withdrawing
> > some easily redeployed mobile missiles is not enough. Beijing needs to
> > deactivate and plow over some of the 1,000-plus missile sites it has
> > poised opposite Taiwan as a true goodwill gesture.
>
> > The semi-official cross-strait dialogue between Beijing's Association
> > for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS) and Taipei's Straits
> > Exchange Foundation (SEF) also needs to resume, if for no other reason
> > than to facilitate the institution of the economic "three links" that
> > both sides profess to sup****t. Dialogue should also begin, either
> > through ARATS-SEF or through a quasi-official "track two" gathering,
> > on cross-strait confidence-building and conflict-avoidance measures.
> > Beijing also needs to loosen restrictions it has imposed on Taiwan in
> > the WHO as a first step toward allowing Chinese Taipei to gain
> > observer status as a "health entity" next year.
>
> > Beijing also needs to stop its heavy-handed pressure aimed at blocking
> > participation by Taiwan scholars at academic gatherings like the
> > annual Association of Southeast Asian Nations and Institute of
> > International and Strategic Studies roundtable and should take steps
> > to help elevate Taiwan's status in the non-governmental Council for
> > Security Cooperation in the Asia-Pacific and other track-two
> > organizations, while also sup****ting higher-level Taiwan participation
> > in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation leaders meeting and other
> > forums.
>
> > Ma Ying-jeou took a big political risk in reaching out so dramatically
> > to Beijing in his inaugural address. Beijing needs to respond.
> > Wa****ngton also needs to respond positively to Ma's gestures, while
> > strongly encouraging Beijing to make significant positive gestures
> > sooner, rather than later, to seize the op****tunity presented by the
> > change of government and attitude in Taipei.
>
> > (Used by permission of Pacific Forum CSIS) =A0
>
> --
> Love, Jim
> (I often delete parts of the previous post and I often remove excessive
> crossposts.)
>
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