Obama's clear thinking on Cuba bodes well for future foreign policy
By PETER MCKENNA
Thu. May 8 - 6:18 AM
Democratic presidential hopeful Barack Obama continues to extend his
lead in the pledged delegate count over Hillary Clinton. His overall
victory, at least in terms of pledged and superdelegate totals, will
soon become a foregone conclusion.
Yet, few Americans, or Canadians for that matter, know a great deal
about the foreign policy predilections of the Democratic pretender to
the throne. At one point, Obama mused out loud about recklessly bombing
al-Qaida forces inside Pakistan – with or without the permission of the
Pakistani government.
While he has surrounded himself with a clutch of foreign policy experts,
the jury is still out on how he sees America's place in the world. In
his stump speech, he is fond of saying opaquely: "It is time to turn the
page on eight years of a foreign policy that has made us less safe and
less respected in the world."
But on the controversial topic of U.S.-Cuban relations, his position has
exhibited a more precise, sophisticated and forward-looking thrust.
During his brief tenure as a U.S. senator, he has twice voted to end
funding for government-sup****ted TV Marti, which has failed miserably in
beaming its anti-Cuba television programming to the island.
Moreover, in an August opinion piece in the Miami Herald, he stated
boldly: "A democratic opening in Cuba is, and should be, the foremost
objective of our policy." He then went on to note: "We need a clear
strategy to achieve it – one that takes some limited steps now to spread
the message of freedom on the island, but preserves our ability to
bargain on behalf of democracy with a post-Fidel government."
More to the point, his administration would recognize that "bilateral
talks would be the best means of promoting Cuban freedom."
Predictably, the decidedly anti-Castro Cuban American National
Foundation (CANF) was quick to criticize Obama for not seeking to
empower Cuba's embattled opposition groups in their quest to hasten
democratic reforms in Cuba. The influential lobby group went on to
explain in a press release that talks between the two countries "should
not take place without the presence of a significant number of Cuba's
opposition and civil society leaders at the table, and certainly, be
inclusive of the voice of the Cuban exile community."
For them, any opening toward Havana should first await the introduction
of fundamental political and economic reforms on the island: "The Cuban
American National Foundation firmly believes that talks with a
post-Castro government should not be held until certain conditions are
met as a sign of good faith – primarily the release of Cuba's prisoners
of conscience."
Part of the problem for Havana, though, is that it won't accept any
preconditions on bilateral negotiations or the fact that CANF pur****ts
to speak for the wider exile community in Miami.
Unlike the wrong-headed approaches of both CANF and the Bush
administration, Obama would prefer to set the diplomatic table with some
"limited steps" before actually breaking bread with the Cubans.
Accordingly, he advocates "a sensible strategic approach" that would be
underpinned by a move to "grant Cuban Americans unrestricted rights to
visit family and send remittances to the island." And as he rightly
pointed out: "The primary means we have of encouraging positive change
in Cuba is to help the Cuban people become less dependent on the Castro
regime in fundamental ways."
Obama believes that U.S. interests are best advanced by bolstering
Cubans and by having Cuba participate in hemispheric affairs as a
full-fledged democratic partner. "Such a development would bring us
im****tant security and economic benefits, and it would allow for new
co-operation on migration, counter-narcotics and other issues," he
maintains.
And in a significant ****ft in U.S. Cuba policy – provided that Cuba does
open itself to democratic change – Obama is willing to "take steps to
normalize relations and ease the embargo that has governed relations
between our countries for the last five decades." Obama's talk of easing
the U.S. embargo is obviously predicated on its inability to topple the
Castro government since its imposition almost 50 years ago.
The Cubans, for their part, were clearly intrigued by Obama's new
approach to bilateral relations and expressed their willingness to
consider his proposals. Speaking on behalf of the government, Cuban
Foreign Minister Felipe Perez Roque was quoted as saying that these
"declarations express a sentiment shared by the majority of the United
States …"
Clearly, many things would have to fall into place before any
rapprochement between the two countries would take place. And this
option may be more likely today now that Fidel Castro has formally
stepped down as president of Cuba's Council of State and
Commander-in-Chief.
Obama does appear, moreover, to have significant electoral wind in his
sails and the Cubans (under Raul Castro) have recently expressed their
willingness to sit down with Wa****ngton to talk about the normalization
of relations.
So, while Obama appears to lack experience and depth on matters of
international diplomacy, he seems to have an excellent grasp of the
finer points of a heretofore failed U.S. policy toward Cuba. And if his
clear and fresh thinking on Cuba is any indication of his ability to
grapple with complex foreign policy issues, it bodes well for how he is
likely to engage with the rest of the world.
Peter McKenna is an associate professor in the department of political
studies at the University of Prince Edward Island and the co-author of a
forthcoming book, Fighting Words: Competing Voices Over the Cuban
Revolution.
http://thechronicleherald.ca/Columnists/1054465.html
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